37
in 2005 that it “was able to determine that the number of cases in which there was a
pattern of conduct identified as the phenomenon known as ‘Muertas de Juárez’ [the
dead women of Juarez], was about 30% of the 379 identified murders,” or in other
words, around 113 women, Furthermore, the Commission to Prevent and Eliminate
Violence against Women in Ciudad Juárez (hereinafter the “Ciudad Juárez
Commission”) indicated that, even though there continued to be discrepancies as
regards absolute figures, different reports agreed that one-third of all the murders of
women were those classified as sex-related and/or serial; the latter “are those with a
repeated pattern in which, generally, the victim does not know her attacker and is
deprived of her liberty and subjected to multiple abuse and suffering until she dies.”110
CEDAW and Amnesty International reports concur that around one-third of the
murders had a component of sexual violence or similar characteristics.111
1.5.
Gender-based violence
128. According to the representatives, the issue of gender is the common
denominator of the violence in Ciudad Juárez, which “occurs as a culmination of a
situation characterized by the reiterated and systematic violation of human rights.”
They alleged that “cruel acts of violence are perpetrated against girls and women
merely because of their gender and, only in some cases, are they murdered as a
culmination of this public and private violence.”
129. The State indicated that the murders “have different causes, with different
authors, in very distinct circumstances and with diverse criminal patterns, but are
influenced by a culture of gender-based discrimination.” According to the State, one of
the structural factors that have led to situations of violence against women in Ciudad
Juárez is the change in family roles, as a result of women working. The State explained
that, in Ciudad Juárez, the maquiladora industry started up in 1965, and increased in
1993 with the North American Free Trade Agreement. It indicated that, by giving
preference to hiring women, the maquila industries caused changes in their working
life that also had an impact on their family life because “traditional roles began to
change, with women becoming the household provider.” This, according to the State,
led to conflicts within the family because women began to present an image of being
more competitive and financially independent.112 In addition, the State cited the
CEDAW report to indicate that “[t]his social change in women’s roles has not been
the criminal phenomenon constituted by paradigmatic cases; those in which there may be evidence of what
the [Special Prosecutor’s Office] calls “murders of women with similar characteristics and/or patterns of
conduct.” Similarly, it complained that the Special Prosecutor’s Office “has not yet approached its analysis
from a gender perspective, despite international recommendations” (Comisión para Prevenir y Erradicar la
Violencia contra las Mujeres en Ciudad Juárez, Tercer informe de gestión, supra note 101, folio 9073).
110
Comisión para Prevenir y Erradicar la Violencia contra las Mujeres en Ciudad Juárez, Tercer informe
de gestión, supra note 101, folios 8996 and 8997.
111
According to the 2005 CEDAW report, the Chihuahua Women’s Institute referred to 90 cases, the
Special Prosecutor’s Office and the Delegate of the Office of the Attorney General of the Republic in Ciudad
Juárez mentioned 93 cases and the NGOs counted 98 (Cf. Report on Mexico produced by CEDAW, supra note
64, folio 1924).
112
These allegations concur with the conclusions of the first progress report of the Ciudad Juárez
Commission, which indicated that, during the 1970s and 1980s, the maquila industries were characterized by
employing women almost exclusively, in a context of male unemployment; this “produced a cultural shock
within the families” and when “the men could not find work, it was the women who supported the
household” (Comisión para Prevenir y Erradicar la Violencia contra las Mujeres en Ciudad Juárez, Primer
Informe de Gestión, supra note 67, folio 8663. See also, Report on Mexico produced by CEDAW, supra note
64, folio 1922; statement made before notary public by expert witness Pineda Jaimes on April 15, 2009,
merits case file, volume VIII, folio 2825, and testimony of expert witness Jusidman Rapoport, supra note 99,
folio 3778).
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