24 and threat campaigns in anonymous letters and in the sensationalist press, manipulated by the Intelligence Services, where he was accused of being a traitor to his country, a terrorist and a criminal. All this was related to his publications, which regularly referred to military issues, the intelligence services, cases of corruption and human rights violations. For example, the same day that he published articles on the Colina Group, a death squadron, he received a telephone call with a death threat. The threats generally came from the Armed Forces Intelligence Services. There was a period when they sent faxes to various journalists and television programs that usually investigated military topics. The fax number from which they had been sent appeared on one of them; following a journalistic investigation, it was determined that it belonged to a company owned by Colonel Rubén Wong. Even though this evidence existed, neither the Office of the Prosecutor nor any other body brought the corresponding judicial action. Starting on March 27, 1998, and for the following eight months, the journalists, Angel Páez, head of the investigation unit of the newspaper La República, José Arrieta, who had been head of the investigation unit of Frecuencia Latina, and he himself, who had been the editor of security matters for the weekly magazine, Caretas, and a columnist of La República, were accused of being traitors to their country and terrorists, because they had allegedly attacked the Armed Forces and Mr. Montesinos. They obtained favorable decisions from “two of the few honest judges of the Judiciary.” Judge Greta Minaya signed the decision on May 10, and it was published on the following day, May 11. On May 12, she was transferred to another post without any reason. The other judge issued a similar decision, signed her report on May 12, published it the same day, and on May 13 was also transferred. With regard to the campaign to discredit him, the sensationalist press was direct influenced by the Armed Forces. It was proved that several headlines had been sent, via fax, to one of these sensationalist newspapers from the office of Mr. Bresañe, who was in charge of public relations for Army Headquarters. The same headlines appeared simultaneously in the newspapers, which made it evident where they had come from. Furthermore, a group of workers from El Chato resigned and denounced, with evidence, that the owner of this newspaper had received almost US$6.000,00 (six thousand U.S. dollars) for each headline he published; these was sent to the newspaper, which then had to invent the corresponding news article. The idea was to exhibit these newspapers like posters at the sales points. Another method used was the publication of an apocryphal newspaper, entitled República. To do this, they copied the typography and logotype of the newspaper La República and began to give away copies in which they attacked the journalists and owner of the original paper. Investigations conducted by a State institution showed that this newspaper was edited and distributed through two sensationalist newspapers involved in the campaign. Despite having identified the source, no prosecutorial or judicial investigation was ever conducted, even though publishing an apocryphal newspaper is a crime. It was well known that there was considerable interest in controlling the television. To do this, economic pressure was put on the companies. The Office of the Superintendent of Tax Administration was particularly strict with those who criticized the Government, and extremely liberal with those who did not. The State was the most important source of publicity in 1999 and the first half of 2000, owing to the crisis and the recession, but it was used for political purposes and to put pressure on