25 investigation of the massacre, to no avail. Thus, the State has never conducted a sufficient investigation with regard to the occurrences in Moiwana and “we don’t know why they didn’t do it.” The witness stated that “our lives are not valued in the same way by the government in Suriname, since they do not investigate the problems we have.” After the attack the witness returned with others to document and take pictures of the site. Once they had finished, many began feeling ill; they realized that “things weren’t right, it wasn’t proper, because according to our culture you can’t go back to the place without having arrangements made.” A return is only possible “applying the religious [and] cultural rules.” On the other hand, the survivors need “badly” to live in Moiwana in order “to restore our life.” At this point, approximately 100 people from Moiwana live in French Guiana; others live in Suriname along the Marowijne River, or in towns such as Moengo or Albina. A young woman survivor, who was only two years old during the attack, is able to recount what occurred that day in vivid detail because she is “possessed by those occurrences.” The events of that day “burdened […] the people of Moiwana very, very, very much.” They “lost everything.” The witness explains that he needs the support and help of his family members that were killed. And now, because of the denial of justice they experience, “it is as if we are dying a second time.” During the difficult flight out of Suriname after the attack, some of the Moiwana survivors were injured and subsequently were admitted to hospitals in French Guiana. The French Guiana authorities, in recognition of their “degree of suffering” have permitted the Moiwana survivors to remain when other Surinamese refugees have been repatriated. With the massacre, “the government destroyed the cultural tradition […] of the Maroon communities in Moiwana.” As a result, “justice has to be served,” and the State must recognize responsibility. Furthermore, since the State cannot give back the lives of those killed, compensation should be arranged. Finally, in order to return to their land, which belongs to them according to tradition, the survivors’ safety must be guaranteed. e) Expert witness: Kenneth M. Bilby, anthropologist The history of the Eastern Maroons, which includes the N’djuka, Aloekoe and Saramaka communities, extends back to at least the early 18th Century, when their ancestors fled from plantations in other parts of coastal Suriname. Land is for the N’djuka people an embodiment of their collective identity; it also serves as a repository of their cultural history, as well as the primary source of their subsistence. Furthermore, in N’djuka society a woman must have access to land so that she can fulfill her obligations and function properly within her community. In order for a N’djuka community to function normally, the members must have a homeland. Even if they travel elsewhere, there are life rites that must be performed at their home village, which permits them to continue to express their continuity as a community. Without a traditional home to