-47prosecuting office, asking him to make the monthly remittances as due. In addition, there is a series of statements made by members of “the organization” who accepted a plea agreement in exchange for cooperation with the authorities and by lower rank officials without any real capacity to have been involved in criminal acts. About 39 former judges have been indicted, and three main criminal proceedings are pending. One former member of the Tribunal Constitucional (Constitutional Court) one former member of the Corte Suprema de Justicia (Supreme Court of Justice) and the former National Attorney-General have been convicted. All judges who heard cases involving constitutional guarantees after March 1997 are currently facing trial. Such judges include members of the Supreme Court, the National Attorney-General, members of the National Elections Jury and members of the Tribunal Constitucional (Constitutional Court). While he was a prosecutor, “no conclusive evidence was put together” of the connection between the corruption network in the Judiciary and the appeal for legal protection filed by the former workers of the Lima Municipality. Around January 2001, one of the secretaries of Montesinos-Torres testified before a prosecutor about payments to fund activism against the then mayor of Lima, even though she failed to state to whom the money was handed or the organizations being supported. While the witness worked at the Procuraduría Anticorrupción (Office of the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor), “that was all [they] could get” from Montesinos’ former secretary. During the witness’ term of office, there was no evidence of Mr. Montesinos tampering with the amparo cases heard by the Public Law courts, nor did they find “any direct evidence concerning the specific proceedings of the SITRAMUN case.” However, at that time, the Procuraduría Anticorrupción (Office of the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor) sought to find “direct links between the organization headed by Montesinos-Torres and the judges considered individually.” The judges of the Sala de Derecho Público (Public Law Chamber) , the two specialized lower-court judges and the three Justices composing the appellate division of the Sala de Derecho Público (Public Law Chamber), who heard the amparo for legal protection cases, are now facing criminal trials over the discovery of evidence concerning a clandestine spreadsheet of permanent payments to judges out of secret accounts handled by the Servicio de Inteligencia Nacional (National Intelligence Service). 3. magazine Enrique Alberto Zileri-Gibson, journalist, director of Caretas Vladiminiro Montesinos, an Intelligence advisor with the Fujimori administration, “handled” many issues, including the second re-election of president Fujimori. Potential presidential candidates would be persecuted. One of the strategies used for such purpose was to discredit the rivals. One of such rivals was the then mayor of Lima, Alberto Andrade, because of the prestige he had earned as mayor, thus becoming an enemy of the regime. Under the Fujimori regime a system of extorsion was deployed to dominate the media, particularly television broacasters. Many media would insult and defame the main opponents to the regime. If any of the victims of defamation and insults turned to the courts, the case would be dismisssed, as the Judiciary was controlled by Montesinos. Montesinos “sued Caretas magazine” at the beginning of the Fujimori administration, because of the attention drawn by the magazine to