30 been no titling of indigenous communities since 1990, the formal power of land demarcation and titling has not been exercised. If an indigenous community wants to attain titling of its land, there is no State institution or mechanism they can resort to. The only title that is found is that of the Ten Communities, granted by the Harrison-Altamirano Treaty Commission between 1905 and 1917. Territory of the other communities has not been titled. There is one other titling, as a result of the border conflict between Nicaragua and Honduras, which took place in the early sixties, in favor of the communities along the Coco River, but that titling is not in accordance with the needs and land use possession patterns of the communities in that territory. Interruption of land titling by Nicaragua may be due to the State seemingly responding to crisis situations. In other words, titling during the 1980s, essentially due to the war, was part of the strategy to turn a military conflict into a political discussion. So after the elections and with the climate of peace which came to be established, the State seems to have no incentive to solve the historical claims of the communities. One of the two consolidated maps included in the diagnostic study corresponds to the Northern Atlantic Autonomous Region, and it summarizes the problem of overlaps. All the communities, a total of 116, presented their claims as a block and they have the characteristic of overlapping. Only the Tumarín Community does not have this feature. The phenomenon of overlaps is more complex in the Awas Tingni Community, in the area between that Community and the Ten Communities. The area claimed by Awas Tingni is roughly 90,000 hectares. The communities argued that their cartographic projection based on oral history has to do with the ethnography of the territory. Thus, bibliographic sources up to the 19th century state that the Miskito communities, which received title deeds from the HarrisonAltamirano Treaty, are on the coast. The rest, from the coastal area inland, are Sumo Mayagna communities, so the presence of Awas Tingni in that territory is not an anomaly, it is not an exception, but rather represents the settlement pattern of the Tuasca, Panamascas, and Wuga Communities. It is precisely because of the expansion of the coastal communities and of the banana and logging companies, in this case, that the communities withdrew toward the sources of the rivers. The presence of Awas Tingni in this territory, in the upper basin of the Wawa River, is part of the settlement pattern of the Mayagna communities in the territory. The diagnostic study did not include the land claimed by Awas Tingni because their case was being dealt with legally, and another study was being carried out by doctor Macdonald, with a very similar methodology, which ensured the quality of that work. The overlaps between Awas Tingni and the communities of Francia Sirpi, the Eighteen Communities and the Communities of Puerto Cabezas, were all part of the same pattern; there was nothing special, and the diagnostic study sought to establish the characteristic features of those overlaps. What was most important in the diagnostic study was to summarize all those overlaps, and not to focus on a single case which had the same overlapping characteristics, which was not very different from what happened in other areas, and where a study was being conducted with the same qualities as that being carried out for the diagnostic study. The land conflict between Awas Tingni and the group of Ten Communities was not documented in the diagnostic study, nor was the conflict between Awas Tingni and the Kukalaya Community, Esperanza Community, Santa Clara, and Francia Sirpi.