de Romilly considered that one of the purposes of the duty to cultivate memories is to seek to guarantee that the same horror does not happen again.107 128. At a collective level, the traumas produced in the social means most affected by human brutalities have led the consciences to confront cruelty; said collective tragedies leave deep traces, since, even after the cycle of violence has been overcome “the past keeps on resounding in the consciences;” we have been warned that “the dehumanization we inherit threatens our survival."108 Remembering the dead, the victims of human violence, all victims of terrorism (perpetrated both by extermination groups and by the State itself) is a vital need. 129. Similarly, we must not minimize the strength of memories. After decades of silence and apparent “obscurity”, never before have the victims of the massacres of the Armenians (of 1915) been as remembered as in our times, more than nine decades after they happened.109 Another example of the strength of memories can be found in the impressive modern history of Poland, a country that has learned to live intimately with tragedy and that disappeared from the mappa mundi in 1795 and appeared again in the same as of 1918. During those 123 years, Poland, amid successive wars, partitions, persecutions, and repressions, and acts of violence, survived in the culture, the literature, the religion, in synthesis, in the spirit of their suffered people.110 Barcelona, Granica, 2002, pp. 53-55. . She added that she would like “to see history closely linked to literature so that collective memories can be conserved and gather new life and energy, because without it our desires become inconsistent and our life becomes completely insipid;" J. de Romilly, "La Historia entre la Memoria Individual y la Memoria Colectiva", in ibid., pp. 45-46. 107 . Th. Delpech, El Retorno a la Barbarie en el Siglo XXI, Buenos Aires, Ed. El Ateneo, 2006, pp. 21-22 and 280. 108 . Cf., v.g., B. Bruneteau, Le siècle des génocides - Violences, massacres et processus génocidaires de l'Arménie au Rwanda, Paris, A. Colin Éd., 2004, pp. 48-72; G. Chaliand and Y. Ternon, 1915, le génocide des Arméniens, Bruxelles, Éd. Complexe, 2006 [réed.], pp. 15-198; J.-B. Racine, Le génocide des Arméniens - Origine et permanence du crime contre l'humanité, Paris, Dalloz, 2006, pp. 3-160; E. Staub, The Roots of Evil - The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence, Cambridge, University Press, 2005 [reprint], pp. 173-187; Y. Ternon, Guerres et génocides au XXe. siècle, Paris, O. Jacob, 2007, pp. 126-170; J.-B. Racine, Le génocide des arméniens - Origine et permanence du crime contre l'humanité, Paris, Dalloz, 2006, pp. 1-160; A. Toynbee and J. Bryce, Atrocidades Turcas na Armênia [1916], São Paulo/Rio de Janeiro, Ed. Paz e Terra, 2003 [reed.], pp. 11-118. 109 . As described, almost literally by a scholar of its history: - "(...) The essential sources of its history have to be sought less in social, political, and economic affairs than in the realm of culture, literature, and religion - in short, in the world of the Polish spirit, which enabled men and women to live their lives in their own way in spite of the established order, and often in defiance of the law." Thus the importance offered, v.g., to the folklore and historical traditions. In Poland, "throughout these five generations, Polish history loses much of its material substance, and retreats into the realm of ideas, plans, dreams, and prospects. Right from the start, the subject seems tailored for the romantics, with their contempt for material things and their preoccupation with the world of the spirit. Polish literature is a surer guide to the essential features of the age than is 110 38